The Reign Of Terror Of The French Revolution (The Play) Part 1
Lorient Montaner
The Reign of Terror of the French Revolution (The Play)
Written by Lorient Montaner
Contents
Dramatis Personae ix
ACT I
ACT II
ACT III
ACT IV
ACT V
Dramatis Personae
MAXIMILIEN ROBESPIERRE–The most influential figure associated with the French Revolution.
BERTRAND BARÈRE–A prominent member of the National Convention during the French Revolution.
JEAN-PAUL MARAT–A French political theorist, physician, and scientist who championed the cause of the sans-culottes.
JEAN-MARIE ROLAND–A leader of the Girondist faction.
MADAME ROLAND–The wife of Jean-Marie Roland.
GEORGES DANTON–A former Jacobin and Montagnard.
JACQUES-PIERRE BRISSOT–A Girondist.
ADRIEN DUPORT–A Girondist.
LOUIS ANTOINE SAINT-JUST–A Montagnard.
CAMILLE DESMOULINS–A Montagnard.
GEORGES COUTHON–A Montagnard.
THOMAS PAINE–A Girondist sympathiser.
FRANÇOIS BUZOT–A Girondist.
NICOLAS DE CONDORCET–Marquis and Girondist.
FRANÇOIS HANRIOT–A French Jacobin leader and street orator of the Revolution.
PIERRE-VICTURNIEN VERGNIAUD–A Girondist.
ARMAND GENSONNÉ–A Girondist.
JEAN-BAPTISTE LOUVET DE COUVRAIS–A Girondist.
RAYMOND DESÈZE–The attorney of Louis XVI.
LAZARE CARNOT–A technocrat.
PAUL BARRAS–A Thermidorian.
JEAN-JACQUES BRÉARD–A Thermidorian.
PIERRE-JOSEPH CAMBON–An original Jacobin.
CHARLES BARBAROUX–A Girondist.
JOSEPH LE BON–A member of the National Convention.
FRANÇOIS-NICOLAS VINCENT–A radical sans-culottes leader and prominent member of the Hébertist faction.
Scene: During the years of the Reign of Terror, from 1793 to 1794, in Paris, France.
ACT I
Scene I.
The chamber of the National Convention, Paris, France.
The presiding members of the Convention have gathered to address the issue of the violent effects and disruption caused by the French Revolution.
BERTRAND BARÈRE.
Members of the Convention present. Today, I stand before you to address the urgent matter of the unruly violence perpetrated in recent occurrences throughout the city.
JEAN-JACQUES BRÉARD.
I have witnessed this mayhem in person and am outraged by the disturbing nature of this uncivil behaviour displayed by the commoners.
GEORGES DANTON.
I too have experienced this unrest, and I must attest that if something is not done to abate it, the chaos will descend into complete madness.
CHARLES BARBAROUX.
What course of action do the members of this Convention propose?
BERTRAND BARÈRE.
Due to these sporadic developments, I must propose that we make terror the order of the day!
JACQUES-PIERRE BRISSOT.
What exactly are you implying, Monsieur Barère?
BERTRAND BARÈRE.
We must take decisive action to avoid the recurrence of street violence, such as the September Massacres of 1792. We must wield violence ourselves—as a viable instrument of government representation.
NICOLAS DE CONDORCET.
That would signify a constructive form of chirocracy or oligarchy—a prime example of governmental control.
MAXIMILIEN ROBESPIERRE.
Messieurs! It may appear to resemble such forms, but what we have endured under the monarchy has proven to be a reckless disaster for France. Law and order must be imposed and enforced at all times.
PIERRE-JOSEPH CAMBON.
How shall we establish this fundamental process in full?
BERTRAND BARÈRE.
If we impose a government of the people upon Paris, then its plausibility of acceptance should be well received.
JACQUES-PIERRE BRISSOT.
And what if the people reject this government? Have you not considered that ominous possibility?
MAXIMILIEN ROBESPIERRE.
I believe I speak on behalf of the majority of Parisians when I declare that the monarchy is utterly finished!
BERTRAND BARÈRE.
I agree with Monsieur Robespierre. No other course of action is justifiable in its relevance.
GEORGES DANTON.
We must always be prudent in our justifications, messieurs.
NICOLAS DE CONDORCET.
And what of the founding principles of the Revolution? Shall we abandon them?
MAXIMILIEN ROBESPIERRE.
The virtue and honour of the general will! The core principle of democratic government: virtue, as Montesquieu once declared so eloquently.
GEORGES DANTON.
Virtue? And how does one apply such a lofty notion to the general masses—the vulgar populace?
MAXIMILIEN ROBESPIERRE.
How do you ask? It is simple—we must be the partisans of justice.
BERTRAND BARÈRE.
Indeed! Let the source of enlightenment serve this noble cause and purpose.
GEORGES DANTON.
Until when?
LAZARE CARNOT.
Perhaps Monsieur Robespierre can answer that question.
MAXIMILIEN ROBESPIERRE.
Whatever government may be formed, there must be a firm hand of jurisprudence within the law and order that prevails in its application.
Scene II.
At the prison in Paris, where Louis XVI is confined.
The former king must face the controversial members of the National Convention. His attorney, Raymond Desèze, speaks to him in private before his cell.
RAYMOND DESÈZE.
We must proceed with your defence by means of political persuasion and rhetoric.
LOUIS XVI.
No! I will not appeal to their sentiments with such feckless bravado.
RAYMOND DESÈZE.
With all due respect, my lord, you must prepare for the possibility that you may be deemed guilty. Therefore, we must act with utmost prudence.
LOUIS XVI.
Presumed guilt? I have done nothing to deserve such an unjust conviction!
RAYMOND DESÈZE.
It is not simply a matter of guilt or innocence, but whether we can convince the National Convention of your influence upon the cause of the Revolution.
LOUIS XVI.
Exactly—but how shall we manage such a significant task convincingly?
RAYMOND DESÈZE.
We must be meticulous in our presentation. Every detail of your case must be precise. If not, we risk failure in our considerable attempt.
LOUIS XVI.
How can these foolish ingrates of the National Convention accuse and condemn me as though I were a common criminal?
RAYMOND DESÈZE.
There is little time to waste on such sentiments, my king. We must focus entirely on presenting a competent defence, if we are to prevent your certain condemnation.
LOUIS XVI.
Are you not being rather precipitous in your dire assessment?
RAYMOND DESÈZE.
I would rather be cautious now than realise my mistake when it is too late.
LOUIS XVI.
I must confess, your admirable resolve is to be commended. I now fully comprehend the essence of your argument.
RAYMOND DESÈZE.
I am grateful for your understanding, my lord. However, the matter before us is of grave and portentous consequence—one not to be dismissed lightly.
LOUIS XVI.
Understood, counsel. I shall follow your instruction and submit to your strategy.
RAYMOND DESÈZE.
Excellent. Then let us proceed in our effort to secure your release.
LOUIS XVI.
There is nothing I desire more than immediate liberation from this wretched confinement. I have been imprisoned like a common thief for four horrendous months, and forced to bear the ignoble title of Citizen Louis Capet.
RAYMOND DESÈZE.
I shall strive to secure your release, my king—once I have ensured your freedom.
LOUIS XVI.
And when shall that be?
RAYMOND DESÈZE.
Perhaps soon, if we are victorious.
LOUIS XVI.
And if we are not?
RAYMOND DESÈZE.
Then, I fear, only time shall tell. But I shall do my utmost, my lord.
Scene III.
Outside the lone chamber of the National Convention in Paris, France.
The leaders of the Reign of Terror who formed the National Convention attempted to address the call for radical, revolutionary aspirations, whilst simultaneously trying to maintain tight control over the de-Christianisation movement, which posed a threat to the evident majority of still-devoted Catholic citizens in France. The tension sparked by these conflicting objectives laid the foundation for the "justified" use of terror to achieve revolutionary ideals and rid France of the religiosity that the revolutionaries believed stood in their way.
Bertrand Barère
How do we separate the leeches of Catholicism from the forefront of this glorious nation?
Maximilien Robespierre
By ridding their predictable influence upon the general populace.
Bertrand Barère
It shall not be an easy task to accomplish, for it will require tremendous persuasion on our part.
Maximilien Robespierre
Precisely! That is where we must strive to convince the majority of the members of the National Convention with our reasonable argument.
Louis Antoine de Saint-Just
The National Convention is bitterly divided at the moment between the Montagnards and the Girondins.
Maximilien Robespierre
Regrettably, their resolve is not of a nature that can be dismissed without care.
Bertrand Barère
Indeed! We must exercise a measure of caution and discretion.
Maximilien Robespierre
I believe we must prepare for audacious action taken by distinctive members of the National Convention—particularly the Girondins.
Georges Couthon
It shall be difficult, but not impossible.
Maximilien Robespierre
There is transparent chaos persisting among the members of this Convention, elected by universal male suffrage and charged with drafting a new constitution. They have become the de facto government of France. True, the monarchy has receded and a republic has been declared—but in the absence of sovereign rule, a bold leader must emerge.
Bertrand Barère
And who, precisely, are you suggesting?
Maximilien Robespierre
Were I to presume myself in the selection, I would be deemed a tyrant. Yet the true tyrants are those who resist the government and fight against the virtue and honour of the general will. As leaders, we are compelled to recognise that the ideal version of government is threatened from within and without. Terror is the only means to preserve the dignity of the Republic born from this Revolution.
Louis Antoine de Saint-Just
And what shall we do with Jacques Pierre Brissot?
Maximilien Robespierre
The terror shall not abate until the agents of moderation—like Jacques Pierre Brissot—are dealt with accordingly. He no longer shares the principles of the National Convention.
Bertrand Barère
And the current opposition? Do you truly believe they will accept your grandiose vision?
Maximilien Robespierre
I am well aware that this shall provoke a political contest between the more moderate Girondins and the more radical Montagnards within the Convention, with rumour used as a potent weapon by both sides. The Girondins have lost ground due to their apparent conciliation. Yet the pendulum shall swing again. After Thermidor, those who endorsed the massacres shall be denounced as tyrants. The Revolution shall become a tradition—and republicanism, a lasting prospect. These words shall endure, surpassing the injustice of the former monarchy.
Bertrand Barère
Truly? Do you think the prospect of republicanism will sway the nobility as well as the populace?
Maximilien Robespierre
Of their allegiance, I have little doubt. It is the gentry and the intellectuals who concern me at present.
Georges Couthon
The gentry are mostly monarchists at heart, but the intellectuals are more aligned with the republican cause.
Maximilien Robespierre
Perhaps. Still, I cannot afford to underestimate their influence or capacity, nor can I forget that the vulpine Hébertists have pressured the National Convention and added to the overall instability of our beloved France.
Scene IV.
Inside the main chamber of the National Convention in Paris, France.
The Girondins were inclined to keep the deposed king under arrest—as both a hostage and a guarantee for the future. Members of the Commune and the most radical deputies—soon to form the Montagnard faction—argued for the immediate execution of Louis. His trial had commenced, with his defence underway.
Raymond Desèze
Messieurs, the charges against the king are invalid under the terms of the enacted constitution. Therefore, I must enquire: how can the National Convention presume to act as both judge and jury? I call for the rejection of these unfounded accusations laid forth in the acte énonciatif established by the constitution. The king has stood at the forefront of this Revolution, a restorer of French liberty.
He ascended the throne at twenty, and at twenty, he gave to the throne the example of character. He brought no wicked weakness, no corrupting passions. He was frugal, just, and austere. He has ever shown himself a steadfast friend of the people. They called for the abolition of servitude—he began by abolishing it on his own estates. They sought reform in criminal law—he enacted those reforms. They cried out for liberty—and he granted it. The people themselves preceded him in his sacrifices.
And yet, it is in their name that one now demands—Citizens, I cannot go on…I must pause before history. Consider how it shall judge your judgement—for your judgement itself shall be judged by the centuries.
Maximilien Robespierre
Monsieur Desèze, I must commend your eloquence. You speak of the people and your client’s supposed virtues. However, I remind you that we gather not to discuss the former King of France, but the citizen known now as Louis Capet.
Raymond Desèze
What are you implying with such indiscreet words? Am I to interpret them as a warning?
Maximilien Robespierre
Pardon my indiscretion, monsieur, but we of the Convention are not here to weigh acts of piety or generosity. Rather, we must examine his failure to acknowledge his former subjects, now turned adversaries.
Raymond Desèze
I suspect you refer to his envious detractors, not to the people themselves.
Maximilien Robespierre
There is no doubt, either in my mind or in the minds of most here, that your client is guilty of conspiracy.
Raymond Desèze
Conspiracy? You are aware of the grave nature of such an accusation?
Maximilien Robespierre
Of course. We are here in pursuit of accountability—for the crimes committed by your notable client.
Raymond Desèze
I shall address these baseless charges by declaring that my client is innocent and should be exonerated.
Maximilien Robespierre
I respectfully disagree—and I shall demonstrate, without the slightest doubt, the full extent of his guilt.
Raymond Desèze
Whatever alleged crimes exist, they do not justify the charges now being levelled against him.
Maximilien Robespierre
Even you must recognise the consequences of the monarchy’s failure. Must I remind you of his indecisiveness and conservatism, which caused many to view him as a symbol of the Ancien Régime’s tyranny? His failed flight to Varennes alone is evidence enough of his recklessness.
Raymond Desèze
I fail to see the validity of your argument, especially when no crime has yet been proven.
Maximilien Robespierre
By the Convention’s determination, your client—through his arrogance—has committed the worst treachery of all: treason.
Raymond Desèze
The charge of treason is severe indeed. I urge the members to recognise my client’s impunity.
Maximilien Robespierre
In this matter, the charge is apt. If found guilty, justice shall be swift.
Raymond Desèze
And by whose authority shall this sentence be carried out?
Maximilien Robespierre
Naturally, by the convocation of this present Convention.
Raymond Desèze
My solemn duty is now fulfilled.
Following the prosecution, the former king addresses the members of the Convention.
Louis XVI
Messieurs, you have heard my defence; I shall not repeat it. Speaking to you perhaps for the last time, I declare that my conscience reproaches me for nothing, and my defenders have spoken truthfully. I have never feared public scrutiny of my conduct. Yet, I am deeply wounded by the claim that I sought to shed the blood of the people. I cannot accept that the tragedy of 10 August should be blamed upon me.
I assure you that my actions, taken out of love for the people, should speak louder. I have always conducted myself in a manner to spare bloodshed. Let none attribute otherwise.
Robespierre rises for the final rebuttal.
Maximilien Robespierre
I speak of the discontent burning amongst France’s middle and lower classes—discontent that fuels opposition to the aristocracy and to absolute monarchy, embodied by Louis and his wife, Queen Marie Antoinette. Some may ask: by what authority do we condemn the former king? I answer: by the authority granted us by the general will of France.
Consequently, Louis XVI is found guilty of high treason. In a momentous event that drew international condemnation, he was executed in January 1793.
Scene V.
At the home of Robespierre in Paris, France.
Robespierre invites one of the prominent leaders of the Girondins, Jacques Pierre Brissot, to his residence to discuss the role of the new government.
Maximilien Robespierre
It is good that you accepted my humble invitation.
Jacques Pierre Brissot
At first, I was hesitant. But after some reflection, I decided to come nonetheless.
Maximilien Robespierre
I am glad you chose to speak with me in person.
Jacques Pierre Brissot
Monsieur Robespierre, I came because I cannot forget my duty—as a citizen of France—to serve the cause of the nation.
Maximilien Robespierre
Precisely. It is the very reason why your involvement is indispensable to the cause.
Jacques Pierre Brissot
What exactly are you implying, monsieur?
Maximilien Robespierre
Your vision and insight have the power to inspire our movement and our government, just as Voltaire did with his eloquence.
Jacques Pierre Brissot
Voltaire once said, “We cannot blatantly ignore the will of the people.” I caution you—and the rest of the National Convention—not to disregard that truth.
Maximilien Robespierre
Do you not realise that many of his ideas inspired the justification for this Revolution—and for our remonstrance against the Catholic Church?
Jacques Pierre Brissot
I am well aware of his writings.
Maximilien Robespierre
In the words of Voltaire, the need for anti-religious reforms is beyond dispute. It is absolutely necessary.
Jacques Pierre Brissot
Perhaps. But we must not forget his other words: “We are all steeped in weakness and error; let us forgive each other our follies; that is the first law of nature.” And, “Every individual who persecutes a man, his brother, because he is not of his opinion, is a monster.”
Maximilien Robespierre
Monsieur, tyranny has left us no choice but to react—and to enact justice against the oppressors who have long suppressed the citizens of France. They are the true monsters.
Jacques Pierre Brissot
And what of the people's uprising—their jacquerie? What shall become of their cause, their voices? What shall become of democracy?
Maximilien Robespierre
The justice of the law must prevail—and it must be swiftly and firmly established. That is my charge, and I shall not neglect it.
Jacques Pierre Brissot
At the cost of more needless blood? Of the lives of our innocent brethren?
Maximilien Robespierre
Regrettably, in the turmoil of revolution, there must be bloodshed. Sacrifice is demanded by the hour.
Jacques Pierre Brissot
Let us hope it does not descend into corruption—or worse, civil strife among the people of Paris.
Maximilien Robespierre
The Parisians stand with us. The king is deposed and dead, the Church disempowered, the nobility displaced, and the bourgeoisie emboldened.
Jacques Pierre Brissot
But for how long shall the people’s voice be heard—before it, too, is silenced?
ACT II
Scene I
At the chamber of the National Convention in Paris, France.
On 10 March 1793, the National Convention establishes the Revolutionary Tribunal. Amongst those charged by the tribunal, nearly half are acquitted—although this figure falls to around a quarter following the enforcement of the Law of 22 Prairial.
Robespierre and Saint-Just discuss the next course of action.
Louis Antoine de Saint-Just
What shall we do once the Girondins are removed, about the obvious influence of the Hébertists and the sans-culottes?
Maximilien Robespierre
The Committees of Public Safety and General Security shall be entrusted with that responsibility.
Louis Antoine de Saint-Just
Do elaborate, so that I may fully understand your intent.
Maximilien Robespierre
Certainly. We shall implement price controls on food and essential goods, abolish the unjust system of slavery in the French colonies, disestablish the Catholic Church, and institute a secular Republican calendar of our own.
Louis Antoine de Saint-Just
And what of the dogma outlined in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen?
Maximilien Robespierre
We must crush the enemies of the Revolution. Let the laws be enforced, and let liberty be preserved.
Louis Antoine de Saint-Just
Forgive my interjection, but you are aware of the people’s volatility—their loyalty is uncertain.
Maximilien Robespierre
I am. Yet I cannot permit lawlessness or reckless acts that undermine the Revolution, or above all, the National Convention.
Louis Antoine de Saint-Just
Quite so. The principles of the Revolution and the preservation of the Republic are paramount.
Maximilien Robespierre
We must never forget that the tyrants who oppose the virtue and honour of the general will are our true foes. As leaders of this Revolution and its ideals, we are duty-bound to protect our envisioned Republic from every threat—both within and beyond France. Terror is, regrettably, the only means to preserve the dignity of the Republic, born from the essence of the French Revolution.
Louis Antoine de Saint-Just
You understand that should the Hébertists or the sans-culottes gain further influence in the Convention, they will demand even more radical measures than the Girondins ever did.
Maximilien Robespierre
The Montagnards may indeed be affected. I am aware. But factional divisions must not be permitted to interfere with the just cause of the Revolution.
Louis Antoine de Saint-Just
There is so much to accomplish, and yet we are afforded so little time.
Maximilien Robespierre
Indeed. Time is of the essence, and we must act with prudence. Fortunately, we still hold the advantage—so long as we command both the people and the government.
Louis Antoine de Saint-Just
And for how long can we command the masses, before they rise against us in turn?
Maximilien Robespierre
For now, they stand with us. I shall not concern myself with such a possibility—unless the moment arises.
Louis Antoine de Saint-Just
I must take my leave. We ought not be seen conspiring—against the Hébertists or the Girondins.
Maximilien Robespierre
I too must attend to other pressing matters.
Louis Antoine de Saint-Just
We shall convene again to deliberate on the issue of foreign involvement.
Maximilien Robespierre
Whatever part outsiders may play, they shall not dictate the actions we take.
Scene II
At the steps of the National Convention building in Paris, France.
Members of the National Convention confront Robespierre regarding his policies.
Jean-Marie Roland
I came to speak with you concerning the course of this new government.
Maximilien Robespierre
To what are you referring, monsieur?
Jean-Marie Roland
The sans-culottes—the ragged urban workers of France—have exerted enough pressure to incite punishments against those who oppose their interests. Their violent demonstrations, driven by relentless demands, leave us with little room to implement lasting, reasoned reform.
Maximilien Robespierre
Yes, I have been made aware of their activities.
Jean-Marie Roland
They fuel instability and chaos through mob pressure. They inundate the Committee of Public Safety with letters and petitions, demanding protection of their rights through measures as extreme as taxing foodstuffs in favour of workers over the wealthy. Some even call for the arrest of those perceived to resist reform, and the most radical among them have resorted to pillage, all in the name of equality.
Maximilien Robespierre
We shall deal with the sans-culottes and their mischief in due course.
Adrien Duport
And what of Jean-Paul Marat and the other Jacobins?
Maximilien Robespierre
I shall address them in time, monsieur.
Pierre-Joseph Cambon
The instability they foster makes it all the more urgent to secure the Republic and rally full political support. Marat’s placards are nothing short of incitements to murder.
Maximilien Robespierre
I am acquainted with the Jacobins’ thoughts—and I know how to deal with Marat.
François-Nicolas Vincent
They will not so readily yield to the authority of the new government.
Maximilien Robespierre
Indeed, I never expected them to.
François-Nicolas Vincent
Then what do you expect of them?
Maximilien Robespierre
So long as they abide by the law, I care little if their principles are undermined by their own greed and ignorance.
Joseph Le Bon
And our just principles? When shall the leaders of the Convention consider not only our demands, but also the petitions of the people?
Maximilien Robespierre
Now is not the moment for such a quarrel. To indulge it would only undermine the purpose of the Revolution.
Jean-Marie Roland
Have you forgotten the warnings of Voltaire?
Maximilien Robespierre
Voltaire? No, I have not.
Jean-Marie Roland
Then may I remind you of his foresight—and that we represent the constituencies of Paris.
Maximilien Robespierre
Voltaire may well be a voice of enlightenment, and many of his ideas I do indeed share. But let there be no mistake—I am the leader of this movement.
Scene III
At the home of Jean-Paul Marat in Paris, France.
Marat meets in person with François Hanriot.
François Hanriot.
I came at once upon receiving your message.
Jean-Paul Marat.
Good. I'm glad you're here now. We must speak candidly about the growing radicalism of the Girondins—and the increasing power of Robespierre.
François Hanriot.
What exactly do you mean by that?
Jean-Paul Marat.
You and I both know that Robespierre, once the voice of virtue and revolution, is no longer loyal to our noble cause. He has sold his soul, if not to the Devil, then to the illusion of absolute power.
François Hanriot.
You do realise the gravity of your accusation. His influence is second to none in the National Convention.
Jean-Paul Marat.
That I do not dispute. His persuasive powers are formidable—but his ambition grows unchecked. Soon he’ll cast aside those of us who stood beside him.
François Hanriot.
Surely, you’re not suggesting we...remove him? And if so, on whose behalf do you speak?
Jean-Paul Marat.
I speak for the sans-culottes, whose voice I carry, and for several Jacobins who prefer to remain unnamed—for now.
François Hanriot.
Do I know these men?
Jean-Paul Marat.
You might. But if you expect me to name them, I shall not—for their sake and mine.
François Hanriot.
Tell me at least that no plot is underway to overthrow the National Convention.
Jean-Paul Marat.
No plot, not yet. Only rising discontent—growing louder and harder to ignore.
François Hanriot.
Be warned—Robespierre does not forget his enemies. And it is far safer to stand beside him than against him... for now.
Jean-Paul Marat.
I do not fear Robespierre. It is he who should fear the multitude of enemies he has made.
François Hanriot.
Tell me honestly, Marat—do you count yourself amongst his enemies?
Jean-Paul Marat.
That is a question I cannot answer with complete honesty. Not yet.
François Hanriot.
Your manner speaks louder than words. The implication is plain.
Jean-Paul Marat.
Believe what you will, monsieur. The truth will reveal itself soon enough.
François Hanriot.
Then I shall take my leave—for now. But we must keep in touch.
Jean-Paul Marat.
Indeed. Au revoir.
Scene IV
A secret location in Paris, France.
March 10, 1793: The National Convention has created the Revolutionary Tribunal. Robespierre's influence has surged. Amongst the increasingly anxious Girondins are Jean-Baptiste Treillard, Armand Gensonné, François Buzot, Adrien Duport, and Jacques Pierre Brissot.
Jacques Pierre Brissot.
Thank you all for meeting here, in secrecy. These walls must hear nothing.
Adrien Duport.
Why such clandestine urgency?
Jean-Baptiste Treillard.
Yes, Brissot. What prompts this covert assembly?
Jacques Pierre Brissot.
Robespierre. His manipulation of the Convention has reached intolerable heights.
Armand Gensonné.
Robespierre again? What are you implying?
Adrien Duport.
I believe he means the recent moves—the Tribunal, the Law of Suspects, the Committee of Public Safety...
Jacques Pierre Brissot.
Robespierre is no longer a patriot—he is a tyrant. Worse than the monarch he helped bring down.
Armand Gensonné.
And yet we, as part of the Convention, helped establish that same Committee. We have, regrettably, built the very mechanism of his rule.
Jacques Pierre Brissot.
I know. And I cannot forget it. But we must now do what must be done to correct it.
Jean-Baptiste Treillard.
Do what, precisely? What are you proposing?
Jacques Pierre Brissot.
We must eliminate him—before he eliminates us.
Adrien Duport.
That is a perilous road, Brissot. One soaked in blood.
François Buzot.
And what of the consequences? What if we fail?
Adrien Duport.
I may oppose Robespierre’s absolutism, but I cannot condone assassination.
Jacques Pierre Brissot.
Messieurs, you do not seem to grasp the reality. If he is not stopped, there will be no France—only Robespierre.
Adrien Duport.
Tyrant though he may be, murder is no answer.
Jean-Baptiste Treillard.
Let us indulge the hypothetical: how would such a thing be carried out?
Jacques Pierre Brissot.
Simply—one of us must do it.
Jean-Baptiste Treillard.
Surely you jest.
Jacques Pierre Brissot.
I assure you, I do not.
Scene V
At the home of Jacques Pierre Brissot in Paris, France.
March 1793.
A rebellion has broken out in the Vendée, sparked by mass conscription. What begins as protest soon escalates into civil war—a conflict that will outlast even the Reign of Terror. Robespierre's authority, once unquestioned, begins to falter. Sensing opportunity, members of the Girondins—Brissot and Jean-Marie Roland—meet in secrecy with American revolutionary Thomas Paine.
Jacques Pierre Brissot.
Monsieur Paine, we are honoured by your presence here in Paris.
Thomas Paine.
The honour is mine, gentlemen. It is always a privilege to stand amongst those who pursue liberty.
Jean-Marie Roland.
We, as Frenchmen, have drawn great inspiration from your revolution in America. Its influence on our cause has been nothing short of profound.
Thomas Paine.
Every revolution, when rooted in justice and equality, bears fruit in time. It is the natural evolution of a society striving for freedom.
Jacques Pierre Brissot.
Regrettably, monsieur, our revolution is becoming ever more entangled—fractured by bitter divisions amongst its own factions.
Thomas Paine.
Then those divisions must be resolved by reason—through the civil discourse of principled men.
Jacques Pierre Brissot.
If only such discourse were sufficient. The people of France hunger more for the dream of liberty than the decorum of nobility.
Jean-Marie Roland.
So much remains unfinished. Yet we are pressed by time, by unrest, and by men who no longer serve the revolution, but seek to dominate it. The Montagnards and the sans-culottes—they grow restless and dangerous.
Thomas Paine.
And Robespierre? What of him? What is to be done?
Jacques Pierre Brissot.
He must be removed. His presence at the helm is a threat to the very principles he once claimed to uphold.
Thomas Paine.
And the others? Barère? Barras?
Jean-Marie Roland.
Barère is unhinged—a fanatic in pursuit of chaos. Barras, however...he is pragmatic. He can be reasoned with.
Thomas Paine.
And how do you plan to do that?
Jean-Marie Roland.
We must expose him—lay bare his ambitions before the Convention. If the deputies see the danger, they may act.
Thomas Paine.
That will not be easy. The Convention does not sway easily, and fear is a cruel master.
Jean-Marie Roland.
I do not deny the difficulty. But we have no other course.
Jacques Pierre Brissot.
Then what do you propose, Roland?
Jean-Marie Roland.
We must approach the disillusioned Jacobins—quietly, carefully. Many are dissatisfied with Robespierre’s direction, though they do not yet say so aloud.
Thomas Paine.
And do you believe they will help depose him?
Jean-Marie Roland.
If we tread wisely, and appeal to their self-preservation, yes. They will see that aiding us is in their interest.
ACT III
Scene I
At the rue Saint-Honoré, Paris.
A shadowed meeting room. Robespierre is joined by Danton, Saint-Just, and Couthon—core members of the Jacobins.
Maximilien Robespierre.
Messieurs, we can delay no longer. The voice of the radical Hébertists must be silenced, and the purge of the Girondins must begin without hesitation.
Georges Danton.
When do you propose we act?
Maximilien Robespierre.
Very soon. I believe they are conspiring, even now, to bring about our downfall.
Louis Antoine de Saint-Just.
I do not question their malice. Yet I confess, I shudder to imagine the Convention emptied of its bickering extremes. What will remain?
Georges Danton.
I share your unease. The implications of such purging—are we prepared for what may follow?
Georges Couthon.
Monsieur Robespierre, speak plainly. Why must we proceed with such drastic action?
Maximilien Robespierre.
Because we are surrounded by factions whose sole aim is to undermine the revolution. Their influence festers like rot—if not removed, it shall consume us.
Georges Couthon.
And these factions—what shall become of them?
Maximilien Robespierre.
They must be dismantled. Entirely.
Georges Danton.
They will resist. No voice silences itself willingly.
Maximilien Robespierre.
I am aware. But I will not permit their presence to intimidate our purpose.
Georges Danton.
Let us not forget: division amongst ourselves could be the absolute ruin of both the Convention and the revolution.
Maximilien Robespierre.
We have come too far, sacrificed too much. We shall not let the Girondins, the Hébertists, or even the sans-culottes derail the cause of liberty.
Georges Couthon.
I agree in principle—but we must not act recklessly. The sans-culottes, for now, must remain our allies.
Maximilien Robespierre.
Precisely. They shall help us remove the Girondins from the Convention. After that, their usefulness may be... reconsidered.
Georges Couthon.
If we are to succeed, we must tread carefully and move decisively.
Georges Danton.
I am weary of the unrest. The Convention grows more volatile by the day.
Maximilien Robespierre.
Then we must meet that volatility with unwavering resolve. There is no turning back.
Louis Antoine de Saint-Just.
But I ask you, messieurs—will removing the Girondins be enough?
Maximilien Robespierre.
We shall soon discover the answer to that.
Georges Danton.
If it is indeed necessary for the preservation of the Convention, I will lend my support. But mark my words, Robespierre—do not attempt to mislead the Montagnards or me.
Georges Couthon.
Nor me—if the cause is just, I will follow. But not otherwise.
Maximilien Robespierre.
Then let us leave this room united in purpose—and proceed to the Convention.
They rise and exit, cloaked in grim determination.
Scene II
At the private home of Maximilien Robespierre.
Night has fallen. A candle flickers as Robespierre meets in secret with Saint-Just and Couthon.
Maximilien Robespierre.
Messieurs, I have summoned you privately because there is an urgent matter I could not discuss before the others.
Louis Antoine de Saint-Just.
What matter demands such secrecy?
Maximilien Robespierre.
The death sentences—Brissot, Hébert...and Danton.
Saint-Just.
You need not explain the why, only the how.
Maximilien Robespierre.
The method has not yet been officially decided.
Saint-Just.
Then allow me to propose the only fitting method—the guillotine.
Maximilien Robespierre.
As I expected. You have served me loyally on the Committee of Public Safety, and as President of the Convention. I trust your judgement—and your fidelity.
Saint-Just.
I have followed your vision and the revolution without falter. My loyalty is unwavering.
Maximilien Robespierre.
If only more were like you, Saint-Just—faithful in thought as in action.
Saint-Just.
There are others. But we must distinguish ally from adversary with precision.
Maximilien Robespierre.
Yes. That is why we must act with meticulous care, even when urgency demands haste.
Saint-Just.
Then I ask only this: when shall the executions proceed?
Maximilien Robespierre.
Soon. I shall inform you of the appointed day. The purge must begin in earnest.
Saint-Just.
It will be a privilege to assist in cleansing the revolution of these traitors.
Maximilien Robespierre.
The dissolution of their factions is paramount—even if that path leads through the scaffold.
Saint-Just.
There is no more potent symbol of revolutionary justice than the guillotine. Its terror serves our aims without fail.
Maximilien Robespierre.
At first, I recoiled from it. But now—I see its purpose. It is swift, and it is final.
Saint-Just.
The people accept it. It has become the very embodiment of the Terror.
Maximilien Robespierre.
And of the Republic’s resolve.
Saint-Just.
Then let the Revolution continue. The path is narrow, but we shall walk it to its end.
They sit in grim silence, the candlelight casting long shadows against the walls.
Scene III
At the home of the Marquis in Paris, France.
On 6 April, the Committee of Public Safety is established, gradually becoming the de facto government during wartime. The Committee will oversee the Reign of Terror. During this period, at least 300,000 suspects are arrested; 17,000 officially executed, and perhaps another 10,000 perish in prison or without trial. The Marquis Nicolas de Condorcet, Jean-Marie Roland, his wife Madame Roland, and Jacques Pierre Brissot meet to discuss these disturbing developments.
Jacques Pierre Brissot:
The creation of the Committee of Public Safety has merely granted Robespierre more power and authority.
Nicolas de Condorcet:
At the cost of countless commoners—and at our own peril.
Jacques Pierre Brissot:
There is no doubt that we are confronted with a dreadful predicament. What choices remain to us?
Nicolas de Condorcet:
At present, I fear our options are few and far between.
Jacques Pierre Brissot:
I have come to the same conclusion. Still, there must be a course of action most fitting for our purpose.
Jean-Marie Roland:
Unless we rid ourselves of Robespierre and his influence over the National Convention, we too shall likely meet the same fate as so many others.
Jacques Pierre Brissot:
You mean...at the hands of the guillotine?
Jean-Marie Roland:
To speak candidly—yes, precisely.
Jacques Pierre Brissot:
If there is no other recourse, then we must press forward with the plan at hand.
Nicolas de Condorcet:
Agreed. But let us not be imprudent—not at any moment.
Jacques Pierre Brissot:
You may rest assured; I shall not act foolishly.
Madame Roland:
Much is at stake, messieurs. We must be ever conscious of that stark reality.
Nicolas de Condorcet:
Let us determine the motive, then act with the utmost effectiveness and brilliance.
Jacques Pierre Brissot:
Indeed.
Nicolas de Condorcet:
I must take my leave now. The hour for the Convention draws near, and we cannot afford to arrive late.
Jacques Pierre Brissot:
To do so would seem suspicious in the extreme.
Jean-Marie Roland:
Before we part, I ask that this conversation remain strictly between us.
Jacques Pierre Brissot:
It shall remain a matter of utmost secrecy.
Nicolas de Condorcet:
I thank you for that. I shall await any tidings with anxiety.
Jacques Pierre Brissot:
Whatever news arises, you shall be informed.
Madame Roland:
Messieurs—may the Revolution endure, in principle if not in peace.
Nicolas de Condorcet:
Indeed. Au revoir!
Scene IV
Inside the building of the National Convention in Paris, France.
On 2 June, the Parisian sans-culottes surround the National Convention, demanding political purges, fixed bread prices, and the restriction of voting rights to the sans-culottes alone. With the backing of the National Guard, they succeed in having twenty-nine Girondin leaders arrested. In response to this, thirteen departments begin the Federalist revolts against the Parisian-led Convention—ultimately to be crushed.
Robespierre is met in the corridor by the fervent Bertrand Barère.
Bertrand Barère:
The clamour of the sans-culottes appears to have subsided—for now.
Maximilien Robespierre:
The Federalist revolt must be addressed. I fear the arrest of the Girondins will not suffice to appease the sans-culottes for long. Their thirst for vengeance shall not be sated until they have toppled the Convention itself.
Bertrand Barère:
And who shall be next, I wonder? Perhaps one of us?
Maximilien Robespierre:
Though it may seem likely, I shall not permit such an outcome.
Bertrand Barère:
How dare these sans-culottes defy the National Convention with such reckless impudence!
Maximilien Robespierre:
Indeed. Their bold display today shall not go unpunished.
Bertrand Barère:
And yet, they have managed to sway the Convention with their insolence. Where will it end?
Maximilien Robespierre:
Unlike you, I must restrain my anger. But I assure you, the sans-culottes shall be held accountable for their impertinence.
Bertrand Barère:
There is something unmistakably suspicious afoot. It feels as though a conspiracy brews in the shadows.
Maximilien Robespierre:
You are not mistaken. I believe so as well.
Bertrand Barère:
I cannot rest easy, knowing neither what the sans-culottes plan nor how the remaining Girondins might retaliate. Ought I to fear the Montagnards too?
Maximilien Robespierre:
Our greater concern should be the future direction of the National Convention.
Bertrand Barère:
What do you mean by that?
Maximilien Robespierre:
We both know that unless we offer greater initiative to the people, they will not be content.
Bertrand Barère:
And the sans-culottes?
Maximilien Robespierre:
I shall deal with them—in due course.
Bertrand Barère:
On whose terms, may I ask?
Maximilien Robespierre:
Naturally—on mine.
Bertrand Barère:
And if they refuse? You cannot afford to appear weak. If you do, I shall be forced to pledge my allegiance elsewhere.
Maximilien Robespierre:
They will yield. One way or another.
Scene V
At the chamber of the National Convention in Paris, France.
On 24 June, the Convention adopts the first republican constitution of France—the Constitution of 1793. Though ratified by public referendum, it is never put into force.
Robespierre has, for the time being, succeeded in quelling the rival factions within the Convention, including the ever-demanding sans-culottes.
Maximilien Robespierre:
Now that the Constitution has been ratified by public referendum, we may proceed with our campaign of reform.
Georges Danton:
Truly, I question how much longer the National Convention can restrain the tide of change the people demand. Your politics, monsieur, are faltering.
Maximilien Robespierre:
For as long as necessary!
Georges Danton:
And should we fail in our endeavour to implement the Constitution?
Maximilien Robespierre:
Then we shall impose it upon them—duly and resolutely!
Georges Danton:
And what of your opponents—particularly the sans-culottes?
Maximilien Robespierre:
I shall see them punished for their foolish agitation! Their violent demonstrations and ceaseless demands have placed undue pressure upon the Montagnards. They sow instability, fanning the flames of chaos, all under the guise of popular will. I grow ever more weary of their clamour for social and economic equality—and their calls for mob democracy.
Georges Danton:
They have petitioned the Committee of Public Safety, demanding action: taxation on foodstuffs to favour workers over the rich, arrests of those opposing reform, and—amongst the more militant—even pillage, all in the name of equality. Let us hope, for the sake of France and the Convention, that this Constitution endures.
Maximilien Robespierre:
It shall—so long as I outwit them with my intelligence and foresight.
Georges Danton:
And for how long, monsieur? I cannot forget the vile acts already committed, nor place my trust in those who would easily betray us. Your indecision makes you appear...unstable.
Maximilien Robespierre:
Are you suggesting we might become their next victims?
Georges Danton:
Surely you’ve contemplated that dreadful possibility?
Maximilien Robespierre:
Whatever fate awaits us, we must not preoccupy ourselves with trifles.
Georges Danton:
I cannot foresee the future—but I doubt it shall be resolved swiftly or peacefully.
Maximilien Robespierre:
That is precisely why this new Constitution is imperative.
Georges Danton:
And yet, I fear it shall not suffice. My scepticism remains.
Maximilien Robespierre:
It will suffice—if we remain conscious of the changes and act with wisdom.
Georges Danton:
But can we truly be certain of our decisions and actions?
Maximilien Robespierre:
No more than our reckless adversaries. Yet there is a clear difference between us.
Georges Danton:
And what, pray, is that difference?
Maximilien Robespierre:
We are in charge of the National Convention.
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