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The Reign Of Terror Of The French Revolution (The Play) Part 2
The Reign Of Terror Of The French Revolution (The Play) Part 2

The Reign Of Terror Of The French Revolution (The Play) Part 2

Franc68Lorient Montaner

ACT IV

Scene I

At the home of Robespierre in Paris, France.

13 July. The assassination of Jean-Paul Marat—a Jacobin leader and journalist—results in a surge in Jacobin political influence. Barère, Saint-Just, and Robespierre discuss the aftermath.

Bertrand Barère:

There is tremendous unrest amongst the ranks of the Jacobins, following the death of Marat.

Maximilien Robespierre:

Marat’s obstinacy led to his own downfall. I regret his death—for despite our differences, he was a remarkable politician, physician, and scientist. Yet who was more of a fanatic—he, or the woman who murdered him?

Bertrand Barère:

I cannot mourn his untimely death. He posed a clear threat to our cause. He ought to have remained a narrow-minded journalist, and nothing more.

Maximilien Robespierre:

Whatever threat he posed has now been extinguished. We must turn our focus to other pressing matters.

Louis Antoine de Saint-Just:

We cannot afford to underestimate our enemies any longer.

Maximilien Robespierre:

Nor shall we—I assure you!

Bertrand Barère:

We must become more decisive—and more punitive—in our actions. The guillotine remains our most effective instrument. Hébert must be next.

Maximilien Robespierre:

Indeed, it has served us well.

Bertrand Barère:

So far. But for how much longer?

Maximilien Robespierre:

For as long as it takes—to eliminate the enemies of the Revolution.

Louis Antoine de Saint-Just:

And what of Danton? What shall become of him?

Maximilien Robespierre:

Regrettably, he must be removed from the Committee. His leadership during the uprising of August 1792 will not be forgotten—but that is in the past. The present belongs to the Committee of Public Safety.

Bertrand Barère:

And how do you intend to accomplish that, when many within the Convention—including Montagnards and the powerful sans-culottes—stand behind him?

Maximilien Robespierre:

If necessary, I shall compel them to submit to my demands.

Louis Antoine de Saint-Just:

By force, I suspect—if I’m not mistaken.

Maximilien Robespierre:

Of course.

Louis Antoine de Saint-Just:

Since Marat’s death, the Jacobins’ influence within the Convention has shifted.

Maximilien Robespierre:

So far, we have succeeded in purging vain detractors and traitors from both the party and the Convention.

Bertrand Barère:

Yet dangerous elements remain—those who pose a very real threat.

Maximilien Robespierre:

I am acutely aware of the present reality—and the dangers it brings.

Scene II

At the chamber of the National Convention in Paris, France.

27 July 1793. Robespierre officially joins the influential Committee of Public Safety. Danton confronts him regarding his recent alliances with the sans-culottes and radical Montagnards.

Maximilien Robespierre:

Monsieur Danton, is something troubling you?

Georges Danton:

Your political stance has shifted dramatically and without warning. May I ask why?

Maximilien Robespierre:

Whatever reasons I may have are of no concern to you—for the time being.

Georges Danton:

Must I remind you that I am still an active member of the Jacobins?

Maximilien Robespierre:

That I have not forgotten. But must I remind you of the influence I now hold within the party?

Georges Danton:

I defer to the principles of the Revolution for my justification—and my defence. I require no vindication in the form of uncivilised reprisals.

Maximilien Robespierre:

Then I urge you to focus on controlling your Montagnard faction, whilst I tend to the sans-culottes.

Georges Danton:

The Montagnards? Do you intend to betray their loyalty?

Maximilien Robespierre:

At present, they are not my chief concern.

Georges Danton:

Indeed. But for how long will appeasement suffice in calming their deliberate demands?

Maximilien Robespierre:

Long enough—for me to fully understand their intentions.

Georges Danton:

I admire your resolve and curiosity. But I remain unconvinced.

Maximilien Robespierre:

And I, monsieur, admire your unwavering diligence. Therefore, I suggest you place your trust in the men who now govern this Revolution.

Georges Danton:

Let us not forget: the Revolution is greater than any one man—including you or I.

Maximilien Robespierre:

Indeed. Our conflict lies between idealism and pragmatism. I shall never forsake the Revolution’s principles—not even for myself.

Georges Danton:

Then I pledge before you, and before the members of this Convention, that I too shall remain faithful to those principles. But will you do the same?

Maximilien Robespierre:

Your discourse is always eloquent and demonstrative. You have long been a symbol of the Revolution. I would truly regret your expulsion from the party.

Georges Danton:

Is that a veiled threat, monsieur—or must I take it as a direct affront?

Maximilien Robespierre:

I would not phrase it quite so. But if you must know—it is not I who could expel you, but the members of the Jacobins themselves.

We strive to substitute morality for egoism, honesty for honour, principles for custom, duty for decorum; the rule of reason for the tyranny of tradition; contempt of vice for contempt of misfortune; pride for insolence; magnanimity for vanity; the love of glory for the love of money, and so forth.

Georges Danton:

I am confident the Jacobins will not cast me aside so easily.

Scene IV.

At the chamber of the National Convention in Paris, France. On 23 August, the National Convention decrees the levée en masse. The members share a discussion about the decree.

Maximilien Robespierre.

The young men shall fight; the married men shall forge arms and transport provisions; the women shall make tents and clothes, and shall serve in the hospitals; the children shall turn all lint into linen; and the old men shall gather in the public squares to rouse the courage of our warriors and preach hatred of kings and the unity of the Republic.

Georges Couthon.

There must be a clear provision that provides a solid basis of order and law to govern the nation and its citizens, as documented by the National Convention.

Camille Desmoulins.

We can enact more laws and implement further measures, but unless we achieve our goals, the administrative duties assigned to us will not sustain the fervour of the people for long, I fear.

Bertrand Barère.

We cannot permit the sans-culottes to impose their unruly will upon us if we are to succeed in our aims.

Camille Desmoulins.

I know the sans-culottes well, and they are impossible to tame with mere changes in law.

Maximilien Robespierre.

For now, we shall appease them—until such time as we may expose their guilt and treachery.

Georges Couthon.

You are aware that the more we appease them, the more they are enabled to impose upon us their will and demands?

Bertrand Barère.

I would vote to eliminate the sans-culottes altogether, but it is not so simple.

Maximilien Robespierre.

Of course not! Gentlemen, we are men of the Jacobin Club. Let us end this talk of the sans-culottes. I shall ensure that they do not derail our efforts.

Camille Desmoulins.

I am more concerned with the swelling numbers of revolters, who grow bolder by the day.

Georges Couthon.

Even now, they are gathering and plotting against us.

Maximilien Robespierre.

Perhaps so—but their desires and conspiracies shall meet the guillotine’s unyielding blade.

Camille Desmoulins.

Surely, we cannot execute all of these ruffians with the guillotine?

Bertrand Barère.

Why not? It has served us well thus far.

Georges Couthon.

There must be another form of punishment—perhaps one less bloody.

Maximilien Robespierre.

There is none more effective. Have you forgotten the violence these criminals have wrought against the laws we established?

Georges Couthon.

Nay, but we must seek justice, not revenge.

Bertrand Barère.

Are you implying we are unjust, and the criminals righteous?

Georges Couthon.

You said those words, not I. Yet I must admit, the just can become unjust—and vice versa.

Maximilien Robespierre.

So eloquent is your rhetoric that I must applaud it. However, it changes nothing. We are in control, and our authority is sanctioned by the National Convention and the Committee.

Georges Couthon.

I shall witness the outcome of our deeds. I only pray that their consequences do not doom France with pitiless haste.

Scene V.

At an undisclosed location in Paris, France.

The trial of the accused Girondins commences. They are to be executed on 31 October. After the deliberations, the remaining influential members of the Girondins are secretively invited by Brissot to a hidden residence in one of the city’s arrondissements.

Jacques Pierre Brissot.

I am pleased that you were all able to come at once.

Jean Marie Roland.

After the injustice dealt to our comrades and the sham of a trial, I was more than ready to discuss these recent developments.

Jacques Pierre Brissot.

That is precisely why I have called this improvised meeting today.

Jérome Pétion.

How far must Robespierre and the Montagnards go before they become utterly unstoppable?

Jacques Pierre Brissot.

If we do not halt their advance now, they shall grow too powerful to stop. Good God—the Reign of Terror spreads, and the mobs' thirst for blood is evident to all.

Jean Marie Roland.

I have witnessed many such scenes. But what course do you recommend?

Jérome Pétion.

I believe the time to remove Robespierre from power has come.

Jacques Pierre Brissot.

What do you mean by such a remark?

Jérome Pétion.

Have we not learnt from the grim fates of Robespierre’s enemies?

Jean Marie Roland.

Indeed, we have!

Jacques Pierre Brissot.

Then am I to understand we are in agreement—that Robespierre must be removed without delay?

Jean Marie Roland.

Absolutely!

Jacques Pierre Brissot.

I must warn you—the risk we take is grave. We expose ourselves entirely. The gallows could await us.

Jean Marie Roland.

Agreed. We must act with utmost discretion if we are to succeed in this perilous endeavour.

Jérome Pétion.

I am deeply troubled by the barbarity and horror of the guillotine. How many more innocents shall perish? Must we live as prisoners in our own land?

Jacques Pierre Brissot.

The guillotine is a grotesque and unnecessary device. Robespierre and Barère have blood on their hands!

Jean Marie Roland.

And are we not to be held accountable too, for the injustice dealt by its blade?

Jérome Pétion.

How many more of our comrades shall die before this madness ends?

Jacques Pierre Brissot.

That is the dreadful question that haunts my conscience day and night.

Jérome Pétion.

May the answer come swiftly—before the guillotine does.

ACT V

Scene I

At the building of the National Convention in Paris, France.

On 8 and 13 Ventôse (26 February and 3 March), Saint-Just proposed decrees to confiscate the property of exiles and opponents of the revolution, known as the Ventôse Decrees. Robespierre agrees with the decrees but must persuade the sans-culottes. He confers with Couthon about Saint-Just’s initiative.

Maximilien Robespierre

What is your opinion of the decrees Saint-Just proposed today?

Georges Couthon

I must agree with the decrees, as they would facilitate additional revenue.

Maximilien Robespierre

I am in charge of the Committee of Public Safety.

Georges Couthon

True, but the sans-culottes are growing in strength with each passing month. And we have all but dealt with the Girondins—those who remain are in hiding.

Maximilien Robespierre

I have successfully divided the factions of the Girondins. As for the sans-culottes—I shall see them executed when they cease to serve our purpose.

Georges Couthon

Surely the sans-culottes would not dare defy the authority of the Committee of Public Safety—though I do not doubt their savage nature.

Maximilien Robespierre

Must I remind you of their brazen entrance into the hall of the National Convention only recently?

Georges Couthon

How could I forget such a public act of defiance?

Maximilien Robespierre

The sans-culottes will meet the same fate as the treacherous Girondins.

Georges Couthon

And Danton? What of him?

Maximilien Robespierre

That is an excellent question—and one that merits an excellent reply. I have devised a most devilish outcome for him.

Georges Couthon

And Brissot? Have you forgotten him?

Maximilien Robespierre

Not in the slightest!

Georges Couthon

What have you planned for him?

Maximilien Robespierre

You shall soon witness my actions. All the Dantonists and Hébertists shall be firmly dealt with.

Georges Couthon

Then I must ask—where do we go from here?

Maximilien Robespierre

Wherever our power shall take us, in the end.

Georges Couthon

Of course.

Scene II

At the home of Brissot in Paris, France.

Duport, Paine and Brissot gather at Brissot’s residence. There, the three intellectuals discuss recent developments.

By the end of 1793, two major factions had emerged, both posing a threat to the Revolutionary Government: the Hébertists, who called for an intensification of the Terror and threatened insurrection; and the Dantonists, led by Georges Danton, who demanded moderation and clemency. The Committee of Public Safety took action against both. The leading Hébertists were tried before the Revolutionary Tribunal and executed on 24 March. Members of the Dantonist faction were arrested on 30 March, tried between 3 and 5 April, and executed on 5 April.

Jacques Pierre Brissot

It is good, messieurs, that you were able to come at my request.

Thomas Paine

The streets of Paris are filled with a frenzied rabble, and the square has become a bloodbath—for both the condemned and the innocent.

Adrien Duport

After the arrests and trials of the Dantonists and Hébertists, I have grown increasingly anxious amidst the rampant instability surging through the city.

Thomas Paine

I never imagined I would see the magnificent city of Paris plunged into such terror and chaos. Is this the fruit of revolution?

Jacques Pierre Brissot

I am ashamed to say our golden revolution has paled in comparison to your American one.

Thomas Paine

A revolution cannot be achieved through the crimson blood of the unjust—who are being executed with maddening fervour. Yet, there is still hope in the clamour of the French people.

Adrien Duport

Amidst the madness, hope remains—even for our people. Let not the flame be extinguished, my French compatriots.

Jacques Pierre Brissot

I never truly saw myself as a patriot, in the truest sense of the word.

Thomas Paine

Then be that patriot, mon ami.

Adrien Duport

In my view, patriotism may be exaggerated, especially when one considers the state of the country and its bitter divisions.

Thomas Paine

But from division springs a diversity of opinion—and those must yield to the common sense and welfare of the nation.

Adrien Duport

If only that principle were so simple to practise.

Jacques Pierre Brissot

Messieurs, the principles of any revolution are rooted in the instrument of their voice.

Thomas Paine

Indeed, I quite agree. So long as there are noble men on this Earth, there is always a democracy yet to be born or rediscovered.

Jacques Pierre Brissot

It is akin to the rise of the Egyptian phoenix.

Adrien Duport

Let us hope it does not augur further horrors from the Terror.

Thomas Paine

In the end, the tyranny of the Reign of Terror will not serve the tyrants.

Jacques Pierre Brissot

If the foundation of popular government in peacetime is virtue, then during a revolution it must be both virtue and terror. Virtue without terror is impotent; terror without virtue is malevolent. Terror is merely prompt, severe, and unwavering justice. It is thus an emanation of virtue. It is not a principle in itself, but a consequence of the general principle of democracy applied to the most urgent needs of the homeland. So said Robespierre in his speech.

Thomas Paine

And what of the fate of Maximilien Robespierre?

Jacques Pierre Brissot

I assert that his downfall is imminent. The only question is—what shall be his ultimate fate?

Scene III

At the corridor of the National Convention in Paris, France.

On 22 Prairial (10 June), the National Convention passes a law proposed by Georges Couthon—known as the Law of 22 Prairial—which simplifies the judicial process and thereby accelerates the work of the Revolutionary Tribunal. With the enactment of the new law, the number of executions increases greatly. The period from this time to the Thermidorian Reaction becomes vividly known as “The Grand Terror.” Robespierre joins Couthon and Barère.

Georges Couthon.

Now that the Law of 22 Prairial has taken effect, I suggest we deal with the Girondins and the sans-culottes all at once.

Bertrand Barère.

I must agree fully with Monsieur Couthon. We must take advantage of the situation and act swiftly.

Maximilien Robespierre.

Messieurs, think for a moment: if we rid ourselves of them, do you truly believe no other faction will rise against our authority? We must now concern ourselves with the Thermidorians.

Georges Couthon.

Perhaps, but at the very least, we can rid ourselves of Danton and Barras.

Bertrand Barère.

Yes! But how?

Maximilien Robespierre.

By turning them into bitter rivals.

Georges Couthon.

How? Explain!

Maximilien Robespierre.

I shall elevate the terror into a grand terror—something truly imposing and terrifying.

Georges Couthon.

I still don’t quite understand your meaning.

Maximilien Robespierre.

I shall have both Danton and Barras arrested. Then I shall let the people decide who shall be spared or condemned to the guillotine.

Georges Couthon.

But how will that make them bitter rivals?

Maximilien Robespierre.

I shall make each believe the other is to blame for their arrest and impending execution.

Bertrand Barère.

A brilliant plan!

Georges Couthon.

But surely we will be blamed for their downfall. The Thermidorians will not forget.

Maximilien Robespierre.

Not entirely. You see, I intend to bribe one of them with a new position in the revolutionary government.

Georges Couthon.

Whom shall you bribe—Barras or Danton?

Bertrand Barère.

It makes no difference in the end.

Maximilien Robespierre.

True. But once I have made the selection, both of you shall be apprised of my decision.

Georges Couthon.

Excellent!

Maximilien Robespierre.

Messieurs, remember—I am in charge of the Committee of Public Safety. And I shall soon eradicate the moderates who oppose the revolutionary government.

Scene IV

At a secluded place in the city of Paris.

Brissot, Paine, and Duport meet for the final time. The ruthless tyranny of the Montagnards and the Committee of Public Safety has entered its most brutal phase of the Reign of Terror.

Jacques Pierre Brissot.

It is only a matter of time before we are sent to the guillotine.

Adrien Duport.

We must act quickly if we are to overcome the tyranny of the Montagnards and Robespierre.

Thomas Paine.

In every revolution, there is one man with a genuine vision to lead his people into the glory of the future. Either of you, Messieurs, could be that man—today or tomorrow.

Jacques Pierre Brissot.

I do not know whether I qualify to be such a man, but I shall gladly volunteer my knowledge, wisdom, and service to France—my beloved nation—and to her people, always.

Adrien Duport.

I, too, make that same pledge to France and her citizens.

Thomas Paine.

Then let today be the day the French people are freed from the yoke of tyranny.

Jacques Pierre Brissot.

Yes! We shall abate this despotism for good and see that its members and enforcers are brought to justice for their crimes.

Adrien Duport.

Just retribution is necessary. They must pay—with their lives. Send them to the gallows, Messieurs.

Thomas Paine.

And become unjust like them?

Jacques Pierre Brissot.

Monsieur Paine is absolutely right. If we send our oppressors to the guillotine, we become as ruthless and bloodthirsty as they.

Adrien Duport.

I understand your argument, monsieur, but be warned—the Montagnards will not vanish so easily.

Thomas Paine.

They likely already sense your desperation—and your resolve.

Jacques Pierre Brissot.

We must expose Robespierre before the Committee of Public Safety and the National Convention.

Adrien Duport.

But how? How can we manage such a task when he surely anticipates our move?

Thomas Paine.

Of course, the difficulty of the task is not lessened by the decision to act.

Jacques Pierre Brissot.

If I may interject, Messieurs—I believe I have a method we can employ.

Adrien Duport.

Will it work?

Thomas Paine.

Tell us. What is this idea of yours?

Jacques Pierre Brissot.

We shall use the Law of 22 Prairial itself—turning one of its charges upon him. Thus, after his abrupt fall, he will be seen as having abused power and implemented a lawful terror that mirrors the actions of a convicted enemy of the Republic. It shall turn the blade towards his own neck.

Adrien Duport.

Indeed—that would condemn him. But will it work? How can we be certain?

Thomas Paine.

Perhaps—if we give voice to Robespierre’s opponents.

Jacques Pierre Brissot.

Yes, Messieurs—this could work!

Adrien Duport.

We can rally the sans-culottes and other factions to pressure the Convention and the Committee, as they have done before. Their presence can sway the tide.

Jacques Pierre Brissot.

Let us go—time is not our ally.

Scene V

At the home of Robespierre in Paris, France.

27 July 1794. Saint-Just arrives to inform Robespierre that the Committee of Public Safety has sent the gendarmes to arrest him.

Louis Antoine de Saint-Just.

Monsieur, you must leave at once. Flee Paris before it is too late!

Maximilien Robespierre.

What are you saying? Why should I flee the city like a coward?

Louis Antoine de Saint-Just.

Good God! There is no time to waste. You must believe me!

Maximilien Robespierre.

On what charge have they arrested me?

Louis Antoine de Saint-Just.

Treason—against the new government.

Maximilien Robespierre.

Damn the new de facto government of France, the National Convention, and the Committee of Public Safety! But I still have the populace on my side.

Louis Antoine de Saint-Just.

Nay, monsieur, for they are clamouring for your execution in the public square.

Maximilien Robespierre.

Damn the populace, then! I shall not implore the people of France with supplication or appeasement. How dare they forget the leaders of the revolution!

Louis Antoine de Saint-Just.

I repeat—you must go now!

Maximilien Robespierre.

Very well—I shall do exactly as you suggest!

As Robespierre flees through the bustling streets of Paris, he takes refuge in the Municipal Hall of Paris. He is later joined by his close allies, including Saint-Just. It is a desperate measure. Alas, the gendarmes arrest him, and he is taken to prison. Saint-Just is arrested as well.

Louis Antoine de Saint-Just.

We are doomed to the inscrutable fate of the guillotine.

Maximilien Robespierre.

Nay! I cannot accept that unbearable fate which may await me.

Louis Antoine de Saint-Just.

How can we escape this cell and prison, when the guards are as corrupt as the Dantonists and Hébertists?

Maximilien Robespierre.

In my possession, I carry a concealed pistol. It is ready.

Louis Antoine de Saint-Just.

Ready for what?

Maximilien Robespierre.

Monsieur, we have but two reasonable options: to attempt escape—or to commit the honourable act of ending our lives.

Louis Antoine de Saint-Just.

I fear I must agree. Will you do me the honour?

Maximilien Robespierre.

I shall give you the weapon—but I will not take your life. You must find the courage to carry out that task yourself.

Louis Antoine de Saint-Just.

What if we are executed by guillotine? Hark! The voices of the frenzied mob clamour for our blood.

Maximilien Robespierre.

I tell you—I shall not offer my head to the filthy blade of that damned contraption. Each of us must choose the manner of our death. I choose to die with dignity.

Louis Antoine de Saint-Just.

I know not whether I possess such courage when death arrives.

Maximilien Robespierre.

I am too impeccable—too eximious a man—for my name to be besmirched by this petty end or its aftermath.

Scene VI

At the Place de la Révolution in Paris, France.

Whilst in prison, Robespierre attempts to commit suicide by shooting himself. The bullet, whether fired by his own hand or by a gendarme, shatters his jawbone. He survives but is later found guilty and sent to the guillotine the next day, alongside Danton and Saint-Just. Thomas Paine and Jean-Baptiste Louvet de Couvrai meet in the aftermath at Louvet’s residence.

Jean-Baptiste Louvet de Couvrai.

The craven has met his maker, and the raven has reaped his impure soul to the abyss of Abaddon.

Thomas Paine.

The vile corruption of Robespierre is finally over, and the crimes he committed shall be forever attached to his name. I regret that my freedom comes at the cost of such great and fallen men—Brissot, Duport, Gensonné, Vergniaud, Roland and his wife, Buzot, and many others whose names history may never remember.

Jean-Baptiste Louvet de Couvrai.

I must confess—nothing gave me greater satisfaction than to see his once haughty visage perish, along with that supercilious smirk.

Thomas Paine.

I too share that sentiment—even when death lies so near.

Jean-Baptiste Louvet de Couvrai.

Death is never far. It merely bides its time until our demise.

Thomas Paine.

Then you approve of the guillotine after all?

Jean-Baptiste Louvet de Couvrai.

I was once naïve enough to accept its supposed utility. No longer. I now see it as an illogical and grotesque proposition.

Thomas Paine.

We are born rational, yet so easily fall prey to ignorance.

Jean-Baptiste Louvet de Couvrai.

Indeed. Each of us, in one way or another, has been persuaded by the promise of justice. But in this case, we have been gravely mistaken. Given our association with the Reign of Terror, we too may yet perish.

Thomas Paine.

Indeed—we have perpetuated injustice in some form. But what Robespierre and his followers enacted was a grotesque distortion of justice. We must never forget the deaths of Brissot, Roland, and Duport.

Jean-Baptiste Louvet de Couvrai.

Brissot was one of those rare intellectual men of great knowledge. But indecision disqualified him from confronting the enemies of the revolution. I wonder—what shall become of us? Of France?

Thomas Paine.

France will endure long after we are dead and buried. As for us—we shall either meet Robespierre’s fate at the hands of the guillotine or become the inspiration for a new revolution, a true republic built on democracy. Long live France!

Jean-Baptiste Louvet de Couvrai.

Oui, vive la France! I do not desire to be a martyr, yet I fear history shall deem me one. And the terrible bloodshed—when shall that cease?

Thomas Paine.

Actiones secundum fidei. We act in accordance with our beliefs. As for your question—when men and women return to being truly civilised citizens in a democratic society. Whether I live or die to witness that change—I do not know.

Jean-Baptiste Louvet de Couvrai.

Easier said than done, in my opinion.

Thomas Paine.

Only history shall reveal whether we were right in our assumptions.

Jean-Baptiste Louvet de Couvrai.

I can think of nothing more than that prospect. And what of Robespierre’s legacy?

Thomas Paine.

History will remember his crimes, his misfortune, and his futile attempt to escape the madness of the guillotine—a madness he helped create through manipulation and hesitation.

Jean-Baptiste Louvet de Couvrai.

What is the lesson, then? What moral must we learn?

Thomas Paine.

That divine dispensation exists as the final arbiter of law and justice. And the moral, I would say, is this: more justice must be given than taken.

Jean-Baptiste Louvet de Couvrai.

Then you are suggesting that the people have received more injustice than justice?

Thomas Paine.

Precisely. Let us never again forsake the true principles of the revolution in favour of another Reign of Terror—even if it means the death of the few for the salvation of the many.

The End

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Lorient Montaner
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